Democratic Progressive Party

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For other uses, see Democratic Progressive Party (disambiguation).

The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) (Chinese: 民主進步黨; abbrev. 民進黨; pinyin: mín jìn dăng) is a major political party in the Republic of China on Taiwan which has traditionally been associated with the pan-green coalition and Taiwan independence although it has moderated its stance as it has gained control of the presidency. The DPP is a member of Liberal International and a founding member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. It represents Taiwan in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation. While the DPP is often classified as liberal and its opposition as conservative, these classifications do not necessarily correlate to views regarding such issues as economic policy or the role of government in society.

1 History
2 Policies
3 Structure
4 See also
5 External links

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History

The DPP has its roots in the liberal opposition to Kuomintang one-party rule (officially the Tangwai - or "outside-the-party" - movement). This movement culminated in the formation of the DPP on September 28, 1986, although the nascent party remained technically illegal until 1991. It was founded mainly by family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners, strongly inclined to transform the political situation. Initially, the party did not actively support Taiwan independence (a move that could have led to its crackdown by the government) and had mainlanders among its ranks. Its platform was pro-environmentalist and pro-democracy. After many of its demands--such as the direct election of the president of the Republic of China and a Legislative Yuan wholly elected by the Taiwanese electorate--the party moved towards promoting Taiwan independence in the 1990s, which the more liberal political atmosphere now permitted.

From the start the DPP had representation in the Legislative Yuan (LY) and used the legislature as a forum to challenge the government. However it did not emerge as a formidable force until 1991, when the elderly LY members elected from the mainland provinces in 1948 retired. Fears that the DPP would one day take control of the legislature led then-President Lee Teng-hui to push through a series of amendments to strengthen presidential power (for example, the premier of the Republic of China would no longer have to be confirmed by the Legislative Yuan).

Image:Dpp.jpg Unfortunately for the KMT, though the DPP never gained a majority in the legislature, it took control of the presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in 2000, ending more than half a century of KMT rule in Taiwan. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters and promised not to change the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as the People's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan.

The DPP became the largest party (but still only reaching a plurality) in the Legislative Yuan for the first time in 2002 following the 2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT, People's First Party, and Chinese New Party (collectively known as the pan-blue coalition) prevented it from taking control of the chamber.

In 2004, Chen Shui-bian was re-elected by a narrow margin following a controversial assassination attempt on him only hours before the election. Chen narrowly won the election over Lien Chan. Lien Chan demanded a recount the following morning. A judicial recount under the jurisdiction of a special panel of the High Court began on 10 May and ended on May 18. It was conducted by about 460 teams situated in 21 courthouses across the Taiwan area. Each team was comprised of seven members - one judge, two members each from the district court and the local government election authorities, and two witnesses each representing the plaintiff (pan-blue alliance) and the defendant (pan-green alliance). Any disputed votes were sent to High Court in Taipei for verification. After the recount, Chen was confirmed the winner of the election by a smaller margin (25,563 from 29,518).

The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwide local and county elections in December 2005. The pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popular Taipei mayor and KMT Party Chair Ma Ying-jeou. Throughout the campaign, the DPP was dogged by allegations of corruption, dissatisfaction with the economy, and infighting among party supporters. Many former DPP leaders, members, and supporters expressed dissatisfaction with the failure of Chen to deliver on promises of reform.

The results led to a shake up of party leadership. Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice President Annette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun was elected in a three-way race against legislator Chai Trong-rong and Wong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.

Premier Frank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor of Kaohsiung (the city at the center of the MRT scandal) twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until January 17, 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on January 24 to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offerred the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Yu) to the departing premier, but Hsieh refused and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line stance on dealing with the PRC.

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Policies

Programs supported by the DPP include social welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, labour, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; independent defence and peaceful foreign policy.

The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue of Taiwan Independence versus Chinese reunification. Although this is often portrayed in binary terms, both the major coalitions have developed positions that aim at a moderate core to the point where the differences between them can be quite subtle.

The current official position of the party is the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign state whose territory consists of Taiwan and other smaller associated islands and whose sovereignty derives from the people living on Taiwan. It considers Taiwan independence to be a fact making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. The DPP rejects the one China principle as the basis for talks with the People's Republic of China and advocates a Taiwanese identity which is separate from the identity of Mainland China. The DPP argues that its efforts to promote Taiwan identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of outside rule.

In contrast, the pan-blue coalition agrees that the ROC is an independent and sovereign state not part of the People's Republic of China, but argues that a one China principle can be used as the basis for talks with the Mainland. The opposition also opposes Taiwan independence, and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese identity separated from the Chinese identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. The opposition also asserts that at times these efforts from DPP are radical and becomes "fascist" (to which they later apologised) and "racist". At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union.

The first years of the DPP as the ruling party gave rise to questions on whether the DPP as a Taiwanese nationalist party was adequately sensitive to the multiethnic and multinational character of Taiwanese society, which in addition to native Taiwanese and Chinese from the mainland, includes Hakka and other minorities.

The People's Republic of China has traditionally maintained an extremely hostile position toward the DPP, but has moderated its position somewhat since 2003 in order to prevent a backlash. The PRC has stated that regardless of the positions that the DPP has taken in the past that it will talk to the DPP if it accepts the "1992 consensus".

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Structure

The party is composed of a number of factions such as the New Tide faction, the Formosa faction, the Justice Alliance faction and Welfare State Alliance faction. Each faction advocates slightly different policies, but many of the factions are generational consisting of different groups which entered the party at different times. The party is particularly strong in southern Taiwan, especially among farmers and among speakers of Holo. Most of its supporters also tend to be middle class. The party also draws on support from supporters of Taiwan independence although here it must compete with the more hardline Taiwan Solidarity Union.

The National Party Congress selects, for two year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee.

Though the DPP is the single largest party in the Legislative Yuan, the Pan Blue alliance holds the majority.

On Jan 24 2006, Lin Yi-hsiung announced he had renounced DPP membership. Along with Hsu Hsin-liang and Shih Ming-teh, three former party chairmen have chosen to renounce the party's membership. Hsu Hsin-liang has been a vocal critic of Chen Shui-bian for being unfaithful to the DPP's vision of reform.

List of Chairmen: