Flemish movement

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The Flemish movement (Dutch: Vlaamse Beweging) is a popular term used to describe the political movement for greater autonomy of the Belgian region of Flanders, for protection of the Dutch language in Flanders, and for protection of the Flemish culture.

The Flemish movement's more extreme wing is dominated by right-wing organizations such as the Vlaams Belang (the largest single party in Flemish parliament as of the last parliamentary elections), Voorpost, Nationalistische Studenten Vereniging (Nationalist Students Union in English), and several others. The militant wing also comprises several more moderate groups such as the N-VA (Dutch: Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie, English: "New-Flemish Alliance", a relatively small party with representatives in regional and federal parliaments) and several extra-perliamentary organisations, many of which are represented in the OVV (Dutch: Overlegcentrum van Vlaamse Verenigingen, English: "Consulation Center of Flemish Associations"). The most important of these is the VVB (Dutch: Vlaamse Volksbeweging, English: "Flemish People's Movement").

The Flemish movement's "moderates" were dominated by the Volksunie ("People's Union" in English -- an important party that has greatly advanced the Flemish cause from its foundation in 1954 to its collapse in 2002). After the Volksunie's collapse, the party's representatives spread out over all Flemish parties, and nowadays nearly every Flemish party (except the Vlaams Blok) can be considered part of the moderate wing of the Flemish movement. The moderate wing has many ties with workers and employers organisations, especially with VOKA (VEV: Vlaams Economisch Verbond in Dutch, 'Flemish Economic Union' in English).

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Ideological Tendencies

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Independentists

Today, the militant wing of the Flemish movement generally advocates the foundation of an independent Flemish republic with Brussels as its capital. Conservative-right Vlaams Belang and moderate N-VA support this view. The Vlaams Belang, who gathered about 25% of the votes in Flanders in the last elections, is now the largest party in Flanders. A small part of the militant wing even advocates reunion with the Netherlands to form a greater Netherlands that is sometimes called Dietsland. This view is shared with several Dutch right-wing activists and nationalists, who are very supportive of the Flemish movement. Recently, several more moderate politicians in the Netherlands have also adopted this idea, including left-wing politicians such as Jan Terlouw.

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Confederalists

Left wing regionalist Spirit, as well as several representatives of important Flemish parties belonging to the moderate wing, including the christian democrat CD&V party (the largest party in Flemish Parliament as of 2003), the liberal VLD party (3rd largest), and, to a lesser extent, the socialist SP.A (4th largest) party, prefer a confederal organisation of the Belgian state over the current federal organisation. Such a scheme would make the Flemish government responsible for nearly all aspects of government, whereas important aspects of government are currently the responsibility of the Belgian federal government. The Belgian and Flemish capital of Brussels would remain a city where both Dutch-speaking and French-speaking citizens share equal rights, whereas the militant wing's independist vision would, to a certain extent, render the French-speaking citizens of Brussels - who represent more than 80% of the population of that city - foreigners in a Flemish, Dutch-speaking region.

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Federalists

Several representatives of the SP.A and, to a lesser extent, the CD&V and VLD parties, prefer an improved federal organisation of the Belgian state over a confederal organisation. This view is shared with several social and cultural organisations such as the Vermeylenfonds ('Vermeylen Foundation' in English), with labor unions, and with mutual health insurance organisations. The advocates of this view hope to improve the Belgian institutions so that they work correctly. However, recent allegations on continued discrimination against Dutch-speaking citizens by hospitals and medical emergency services in Brussels - who were proved very mild by a report from the Council of Europe, the resistance of the French-speaking people living in Flanders to see their cultural and political rights cut further, and the near-impossibility to alleviate labor costs because of alleged conservative resistance from the French-speaking Socialist union is not strengthening support for the federalist line.

Several harrowing examples illustrate the inability of politicians to modernise Belgian institutions: during the last five years, three key figures of the Flemish socialist movement have attempted to modernise Belgian institutions, but failed because of clumsiness in communication and poor choice of new managers in the public service (Luc Van den Bossche), the socialist labor union (Mia De Vits), and unemployment policy (Frank Van den Broucke). All three were defeated and, to a certain extent, publicly humiliated. As a result, Luc Van den Bossche left politics, leaving room for his 28 year-old daughter Freya Van den Bossche (who recently inaugurated her new position as Deputy Prime Minister by personal attacks on most members of the Dutch Government), Mia De Vits left the socialist labor union and moved into Flemish politics, and Frank Van den Broucke left Belgian politics and became a Minister in the Flemish Government, where he is now making recommendations that are the exact opposite of what he was defending when he was a Federal Minister.

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History

For prior events: see History of Belgium and Flanders

Half a century after the Belgian revolution, Flemish intellectuals such as W.F. Willems and Hendrik Conscience began to call for recognition of the Dutch language and culture of Belgium. This movement became known as the Flemish movement, but was more intellectual then social. Its first success was the passing of a law in 1898 that for the first time recognized Dutch as a language in Belgium. With the coming of the 20th century the Flemish movement became more radical and in the first world war many "activists" welcomed the occupiers as "liberating Germanic brothers". The Germans did indeed help out their "Germanic brothers" by setting Dutch as the sole administrative language and by converting Ghent University to the Dutch language. Most of the Flemish population however loathed those traitors that had collaborated with the brutal German occupiers. With the German defeat so went many of the language reforms. The collaboration and subsequent prosecution of certain leaders of the Flemish movement did not of course produce a climate congenial to compromise.

The Flemish Movement became more social through the Frontbeweging (Front Movement in English), an organization of Flemish soldiers who complained about the lack of consideration for their language in the army and Belgium in general, and harbored pacifistic feelings. From this the Frontbeweging became a political movement, dedicated to peace, tolerance and autonomy (Nooit Meer Oorlog, Godsvrede, Zelfbestuur), and yearly pilgrimages to the IJzertoren are still held to commemorate this. Many legends arose regarding the treatment of Flemish soldiers in WWI, and though they have been mostly disproved by the research of young Flemish historians, their myth still forms an important part of the Flemish victimization feeling. For instance, one such legend is that many Dutch-speaking soldiers were slaughtered because they could not understand orders given to them in French by Walloon officers. While the official language of the army was indeed French, the truth is that units were organized by geographical origin, and their commanding officers were perfectly capable of translating central orders into the language of their troops, be it Flemish, French or Walloon. In the 1920s the first Flemish nationalist party was elected and in 1928 a prominent Flemish leader on death row for working in the German Flemish government was elected. In the 1930s the Flemish movement grew ever larger and larger and Dutch was recognized for the first time as the sole language of Flanders, and the sizable French-speaking minority of Flanders started being subjected to all sorts of administrative prickles who continue to this day.

During World War II, Belgium was once again occupied. The Germans enacted laws to protect and encourage the Dutch language in Flanders and generally did all they could to encourage ill-feeling between Flemings and francophones, e.g. by liberating Flemish POW's but not francophone ones. Although the nazis had no intention whatsoever of allowing the creation of a Greater Dutch or a Flemish state, many Flemish nationalists embraced collaboration. Predictably, they were prosecuted after the war and their cause thoroughly discredited, partly because it suited adversaries, but also because most of the Flemish movement continues to this very day to pretend collaboration was justified or at the very least excusable.

After the war, the Flemish movement lay dormant for nearly 20 years. Then in the 1960s the movement once again picked up steam and in 1962 the language borders were finally set up with Brussels being designated as a bilingual city. The late 60s saw all major Belgian political parties splitting up into Flemish and francophone wings. It also saw the emergence of the first major nationalist Flemish party, the Volksunie (People's Union, but not in the communist sense). In 1977 more radical right-wing splinters of the Volksunie came together to form the Vlaams Blok, which would later become known as Vlaams Belang. This party would overtake the Volksunie and today is, numerically, the main party of the Flemish movement.

In 2000 the Volksunie split into Spirit and N-VA. Both parties now have coalitions with other parties. In the 2004 elections both Spirit (with SP.A) and NVA (with CD&V) won and take part of the newly formed government.

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See also

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External links

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