Bettino Craxi
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{{Infobox PM
| name=Bettino Craxi | image=Bettino_Craxi.jpg | country=Italy | term=4 August 1983 - 17 April 1987 | before=Amintore Fanfani | after=Amintore Fanfani | date_birth=February 24, 1934 | date_death=January 19 2000 | place_birth=Milan, Italy | place_death=Hammamet, Tunisia | party=Italian Socialist Party
}}
Bettino Craxi (born Benedetto Craxi in Milan, Italy on February 24, 1934, died in Hammamet, Tunisia on January 19, 2000) was an Italian politician, the Prime Minister of Italy from 1983 to 1987, and head of the Italian Socialist Party from 1976 to 1993.
The diminutive of Benedetto used to be Benito between revolutionary Italian families, as a Spanish reference to Benito Juarez, until Benito Mussolini made it inexpedient, imprudent and offensive to use that form.
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Political ascension
He is the second longest-serving Prime Minister in Italy since 1945, after Silvio Berlusconi and had strong influence in Italian politics throughout the eighties; for some time, he was a close ally of two key figures of Democrazia Cristiana, Giulio Andreotti and Arnaldo Forlani, in a loose cross-party alliance often dubbed CAF. Craxi had a firm grasp on a party previously troubled by factionalism, and tried to distance it from the communists bringing it closer to Christian Democrats and other parties; his objective was to create an Italian version of Socialist parties like the German SPD or the French Socialist Party. The party reached its apex when it increased its share of votes in the general election of 1983, after temporarily abandoning its coalition with the Christian Democrats. However, the Italian Socialist Party never outgrew the much larger Italian Communist Party, whose highly charismatic leader, Enrico Berlinguer, was a fierce adversary of Craxi's policies throughout the years.
The main dynamic of Italian post-war politics was to find a way to keep the PCI (Partito Comunista Italiano) out of power. This led to the constant formation of political alliances between parties keen on keeping the Communists at bay. Things were further complicated by the fact that many parties had internal currents that would have welcomed the Communists in the government coalition; in particular, within the DC, Democrazia Cristiana (Christian Democrats), the largest party in Italy from 1945 to end of the "Prima Repubblica".
Craxi was precocious and ascended to many levels public office at very early ages. In the international arena, he helped dissidents and Socialist Parties throughout the world organise and become independent. Notable recipients of his logistical help are the PSOE "Partido Socialista Obrero Español" during Francisco Franco's dictatorship, and dramaturg Jiri Pelikan, in the then Czechoslovakia. A rare footage of Craxi trying to lay flowers at the tomb of Salvador Allende has been unearthed from RAI's (RAdiotelevisione Italiana) archives. There is also proof that part of Craxi's illegally earned money were personally given by him in secret to Arafat and his organization because of Craxi's sympathy for Palestinian cause.
On July 16, 1976, Bettino Craxi was elected to the vacant secretary’s position, following years of factional fighting within his party. Ironically, the "old guard" saw him as short-lived leader, allowing each faction time to regroup. However, he was able to hold on to power and implement his policies. In particular, he sought and manage to distance his Party away from the communists bringing it closer to Christian Democrats and other center and center-right parties.
During Craxi's prime-ministership, Italy became the fifth largest industrial nation and gained entry into the G-7 Group of most Industraliased nations. Inflation was however often two-digit, and this was dealt with eliminating a wage-price increase link known as scala mobile ("escalator"); under this system, wages were increased automatically depending on inflation. Abolishing the system did reduce inflation, but inevitably increased strikes in the long term, as workers have to barter for better salaries. In any case, the victory of the "No" front in the abrogative referendum called by the Italian Communist Party was also a major victory for Craxi. Italian national debt skyrocketed during the Craxi era, passing 100% of the gross national product. The level of the Italian national debt is still today well over 100% of the GDP.
The Sigonella Incident
Perhaps, he is best remembered internationally when in October 1985 he refused the requests of US President Ronald Reagan following the hijacking of the Achille Lauro cruise ship. The hijackers, after protracted negotiations, were given safe passage to Egypt by plane. Three United States Navy F-14's forced the plane down to the United States Naval Air Facility (NAF) of Sigonella. Though the Americans demanded that the Italian authorities extradite Abu Abbas of the PLO, Craxi stood firm on the grounds that the Italian Government had jurisdiction over its own territory, even though it was a joint Italian-NATO base. He ordered Italian troops to surround the US Forces protecting the plane. This move was supposedly dictated both by security concerns about terrorists deciding to target Italy if the United States had had it their way, and an Italian tradition of diplomacy with the Arab world. Craxi's decisionist character may have been relevant in this resolution.
The hijackers were later found guilty, and sentenced to relatively light prison terms, for hijacking and murder of an American citizen, Leon Klinghoffer. Craxi first gave the United States Forces permission to detain the terrorists, but he later reneged on the deal, and took the US Special Forces team in custody; they later escaped from Italy. Craxi then rejected the US extradition order and let Abu Abbas flee to Yugoslavia. Abbas was later convicted in Italy in absentia, and eventually died shortly after having being taken prisoner by American forces in the aftermath of the 2003 invasion of Iraq, officially for natural causes.
This episode earned him an article in The Economist titled "Europe's strong man" and more tellingly, in the Senate, a full-standing ovation which included his communist opponents.
Downfall and disgrace
Mani Pulite
The last main turning point of his career began taking place in the early nineteen-nineties.In February 1993, the Socialist Mario Chiesa got caught by the police while taking 7 million lira bribes from a cleaning service. Mario Chiesa sought Craxi's protection for nearly a month; but Craxi's accused him of putting a shawdon on the most honest party in Italy. Feeling left-out and with no compassion Chiesa agreed to tell everything he knew. His declarations brought half of Milan (Socialists and Industrialists) under accusation. This led to a team of Milanese judges began investigating the affairs of party financing; Milan was then stronghold of the Italian Socialist Party, and for some time Craxi's own brother-in-law, Paolo Pillitteri, who was the mayor of the city was bought under accusation (although he had the immunity of Parliament).
In July 1992, Craxi finally recognized the situation and what it was leading to. He made an appeal in front of the Chamber of Deputies in which he told his fellow deputies that everyone knew of irreguralities in the public financing of the parties and accused them of hypocrisy and cowardness. However his speech remained unheard. Although Craxi took 5 months to realize the dangerous situation, some important deputies and head of parties took a long time and by the time they knew, everything was undone and they were wiped out of the political map. Even Craxi was to receive the first of many 'Avvisi Di Garanzia' in december 1992. Many more followed during January and February until the Court of Milan explicitly asked the Parliament the authorisation to go foward in the investigations (In Italy, members of Parliament are inmune to legal procedure until the Parliament gives its authorisation)However the authorisation was denied on the 29th of April after Craxi gave an emotional speech. However the day wasn't finished. He returned to his roman residence Hotel Raphael where he isolated himself; on going out he was received by enourmous crowd which chucked coins at him shouting "do you want these as well". This moment was remembered with agony, anger and scandal within the italian politcal class. Those actions inevitably marked a point. Nothing was to go back in place. In the regional elections of 1993 Lombardy passed to Lega Nord leadership after 16 years of socialist rule. In some regions, the PSI was under the 4%. However the catastrophies did't stop there.
In front of judges
In December 1993 after finally allowing himself to be investigated, Craxi was called to testify in front of Antonio Di Pietro, the magistrate who had caused what Craxi defined "a false Revolution". At his side sat the secretary of the DC (italy's biggest party) Arnaldo Forlani. Questions were asked on the maxi-bribe ENIMONT which PSI and DC received. Arnaldo Forlani in answering had made the biggest mistake in his life, simply saying "what is a bribe?". On the other hand Craxi defended himself in a curious way; he accused himself as well as many other parties defining the bribes as "the cost of politics." During the time of ENIMONT affair, Craxi declared that in a country where justice always ran slow, his case was moving at extraordinary velocity (which it in fact did). His solutions to all Tangentopoli was that he has been spotted out for illegalities for which he wasn't the only one which had committed them. In may 1994 he fled to Tunis to escape jail. His political career ended in less then 2 years, all italy's political class was to follow suit like Andreotti and Forlani. Surprisingly the CAF (the axis of Craxi-Andreotti-Forlani) which had made a pact to revive the Pentapartito of the 1980s and apply to the 1990s was doomed to be crushed and not by less popular votes but by judges. This initiative came to be called Mani pulite (Italian for clean hands). No party was spared, but in some parties corruption had become more commonplace than elsewhere (either because of more available occasion, or because of internal culture). To this day, some people (especially those who were close to Craxi) argue that some parties (such as the Italian Communist Party) were left untouched, while the leaders of then ruling coalition (and in particular Bettino Craxi) were wiped-off the political map.
The judges in Milan were put under scrutiny several times by different governments (especially Silvio Berlusconi's first government in 1994), but no evidence of any misconduct was ever found. It was also alleged that the Communists could "afford" not to resort to corruption because of financing from the Soviet Union. While this still remains unproven, such a fact would anyway have been covered by a previous amnesty. Furthermore, the public opinion was much less concerned about foreign financing than about the misappropriation of "their" money by corrupt politicians.
In the end, his party fell from 14% of votes to virtual nonexistence. An ironic note was that the shattered remnants party were excluded by seats in the Parliament due to a minimum vote requirement of 4% on national basis, that Bettino Craxi himself had called for when his party was well above that level; the quota was actually lowered from 5 to 4% on the Socialists' request, but this was however not enough.
As said before during the "Mani pulite" period, Craxi tried to use a daring defense tactic: he maintained that all parties needed and took money illegally, however they could get it, to finance their activities. His defense line was therefore not to declare himself innocent, but everybody guilty. While this may have been true to a certain degree, most citizens had anyway a bad feeling toward most politicians, and Craxi's "defense" met no sympathy in the public opinion, if it did not enrage it even further.
See also: Tangentopoli (Italian for bribeville, used to indicate the corruption-based system that ruled Italy; Craxi is seen by many as the symbol of it)
"Midgets and dancers"
Craxi's lifestyle was perceived to be unjustified for the secretary of a party with so many alleged financial problems: he used to live in an expensive Hotel in Rome's centre (Piazza Navona), the Raphael, and had a large villa in Hammamet, Tunisia. As the Mani Pulite investigations were to uncover in the nineties, personal corruption was endemic in Italian society; while many politicians, including Craxi, would justify corruption with the necessities of a democracy, many political leaders at many levels enjoyed a lifestyle that should have been well out of their reach, while most parties continued having financial problems. Rino Formica, a prominent member of the Socialist Party in those years, wittily stated that "the convent is poor, but the friars are rich".
Furthermore, his arrogant character won him many enemies; one of his most condemned actions were blaming corruption in the socialist party on treasurer Vincenzo Balzamo, just after the latter's death, trying to clear himself of any accusation. He had also controversial friendships with Siad Barre, dictator of Somalia, and Ben Ali, dictator of Tunisia. The latter provided protection to Craxi when he escaped from Italy.
Craxi's entourage was sharply defined by a critic as a "court of midgets and dancers", indicating the often ludicrous and immoral traits of a system based on personal acquaintance rather than own merit. Among the friends of Craxi's to receive smaller and larger favours, Silvio Berlusconi is perhaps the most known: he received many favours, especially regarding his media empire, and had a decree named after him ("Decreto Berlusconi") long before he entered politics. Other figures were Craxi's mistresses Anja Pieroni, who owned a TV station in the Rome area, and Sandra Milo, who had a skyrocketing career in the state TV conglomerate RAI.
He was also known for never apologizing, as a matter of principle; whereas some did like this autocratic trait in his successful years, most Italians expected an apology after the corruption system had been exposed. Craxi never apologized, stating he had done nothing that everybody else had not been doing, and that he was being unjustly singled out and persecuted.
Escape to Tunisia
All this resulted in him being considered the symbol of political corruption, and for a time he was probably Italy's most despised man. This was clearly visible when he, coming out of his hotel, received a salvo of coins that students threw to him as sign of loath. Some of the students waved 1,000-lire bills, singing Bettino, take these too! to the tune of Guantanamera.
Understanding that the risk of being jailed was growing very real, Craxi escaped to Tunisia in 1994, and there remained, protected by Ben Ali's government, until his death from diabetes complications. He repeatedly declared himself innocent, but never returned to Italy where he had already been sentenced to a number of years in jail because of corruption charges.
Craxi's figure is currently subject of experiments of rehabilitation by supporters of Silvio Berlusconi, who draw a parallelism between how Craxi and Berlusconi were "persecuted" by "red judges" (toghe rosse, lit. "red robes"). Many of his supporters in the socialist party moved to (an Italian pejorative expression is often "recycled themselves into") Berlusconi's right-wing coalition, among others his former foreign minister Gianni De Michelis, political TV journalist Giuliano Ferrara, and former priest Gianni Baget Bozzo, suspended a divinis (forbidden to celebrate mass and suspended from clerical duties) when he was elected to the European parliament with Craxi's socialist party.
Craxi died on January 19, 2000, at the age of 66 from complications of diabetes in disgrace and exile in Hammamet, Tunisia.
Quotes by and about Bettino Craxi
- Dentro Bettino, fuori il bottino ("Bettino (Craxi) in (jail), out with the loot"); popular tag on Milan's walls from 1992 on.
- La Maxitangente fu solo una maxiballa ("The maxibribe was just maxibullshit"); uttered in court, about a (then alleged) huge bribe paid to many parties and politicians by Raul Gardini. Craxi was later convicted.
- La mia libertà equivale alla mia vita ("My freedom is my life"), epitaph on his tomb.
- The Mail Service proposed to release a stamp with Bettino Craxi's profile on it; it was discarded on accounts that people would have spat on the wrong side, the first joke in a book by comics Gino & Michele, that became extremely famous in the late eighties and early nineties.
See also
External links
- Craxi Foundation, in Italian.
- Craxi: Fallen kingpin. Article on Craxi's death by the BBC.
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