Christianity in Korea

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Over the past few decades, the world has witnessed the dramatic growth of the Christian faith in South Korea. Almost a third of the population professed to be Christian in the year 2000, and Seoul, the capital, contained eleven of the world's twelve largest Christian congregations. The impact of Christianity on the Korean culture has been considerable, and is partly responsible for a steady decline in the membership and influence of Buddhism, Shamanism and Confucianism, which have traditionally had deep roots in Korean culture. South Korea has also emerged as a major missionary-sending nation, second only to the United States: in 2000 there were 10,646 Korean Protestant missionaries in 156 countries, along with a large but undisclosed number of Catholic missionaries. A number of Korean Christians, including Dr. David Yonggi Cho (조용기목사), Senior Pastor of the great Yoido Full Gospel Church (여의도순복음교회)—reputedly the largest in Christendom—have attained world-wide influence. The 1984 visit by Pope John Paul II marked the first canonization ceremony to be held outside of Rome and the largest number ever to be canonized at one time.

Unless otherwise stated, all references in this article to "Korea," "Korean people," and "Korean church" after 1945 apply to South Korea only. Prior to the Korean War of 1950–1953, two thirds of the country's Christians lived in the North, but most subsequently fled to the South, Template:Ref and to this day a repressive Communist government hostile to all religions continues to rule North Korea. It is not known how many Christians remain in the North.

Contents

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Early failures: 1593-1784

Korea was not always a haven for Christians. Christianity was finally established on Korean soil (in 1784) only after nearly two centuries of frustrated efforts, and it was not until the Twentieth Century that the Christian presence became numerically significant. Why then, after such an unpromising start, has Christianity finally been so widely accepted in Korea, when this has not happened in nearby Japan and China? To answer this question, it is necessary to assess the cultural, political, and historical developments that set the Korean people apart from their neighbours. This leads on to a second question: What effect has Christianity had on Korean society over the past two hundred years?

The first known Christian presence in Korea was Father Gregorious de Cespedes, a Jesuit priest who arrived in Korea in 1593 to work among Japanese expatriates, but was not permitted to proselytize Koreans. Template:Ref A decade later, however, the Korean diplomat Yi Kwangjong (이광정) returned from Beijing carrying a world atlas and several theological books written by Matteo Ricci, a Jesuit missionary to China. Template:Ref Ricci's books provoked immediate academic controversy; early in the seventeenth century, Yi Sugwang (이수광; a court scholar) and Yu Mongin (유몽인; a cabinet minister) wrote highly critical commentaries on Ricci's works. Over the ensuing two centuries, academic criticism of Christian beliefs continued unabated.

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Underpinnings of Christian growth

It may be worth noting here that during the period when Korea was closed to foreigners there was an extremely high number of martyrdoms of Koreans who were helping Catholic missionaries. One of the most famous is Andrew Kim, who was beheaded at the age of 25.

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Academic sympathy—the Silhak school

Some scholars were, however, more sympathetic to Christianity. Members of the Silhak (실학; "practical learning") school were greatly attracted to what they saw as the egalitarian values of Christianity. Template:Ref Advocating a social structure based on merit rather than birth, Silhak scholars (who were often bitterly opposed by the establishment) saw Christianity as providing an ideological basis for their beliefs. Thus, when Catholicism was finally established in 1784, there was already a substantial body of educated opinion sympathetic to it - which was to prove crucial to the spread of the Catholic faith in the 1790s. Template:Ref An 1801 study indicated that fifty-five percent of all Catholics had family ties to the Silhak school. Template:Ref It is apparent, then, that the first important factor which facilitated the growth of Christianity is that there was already a substantial minority within the educated elite that was sympathetic to it.

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Lay leadership

A second important factor is that Christianity in Korea began as an indigenous lay movement, and was not imposed by a foreign ecclesiastical hierarchy. The first Catholic prayer-house was founded in 1784 at Pyongyang (평양 - now the capital of North Korea) by Yi Sung-hun (이성헌), a diplomat who had been baptized in Beijing. Template:Ref In 1786, Yi proceeded to establish a hierarchy of lay-priests. Template:Ref Although the Vatican later ruled (in 1789) that the appointment of lay-priests violated Canon Law, the fact remains that Christianity was introduced into Korea by indigenous lay-workers, not by foreign prelates.

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Parallels in Korean tradition

Thirdly, the Korean churches were able to use and build upon Korean tradition. Unlike the Chinese or Japanese, the Shamanist Koreans had an essentially monotheistic concept of a Creator-God, Template:Ref whom they called Hwan-in (환인) or Haneu-nim (하느님) (later also Hana-nim (하나님)). According to an ancient myth, Hwan-in had a son named Hwan-ung (환웅), who, in turn, had fathered a human son named Tangun (단군) in 2333 BC. Template:Ref Template:Ref Template:Ref Tangun founded the Korean nation and, so the story goes, taught his people the elements of civilization during his thousand-year reign. Template:Ref There are several variants of this myth, one of which depicts Tangun as having been born of a virgin Template:Ref - although this may be a later Christian embellishment. Some modern theologians have even attempted to explain the Christian concept of the Trinity in terms of the three divine characters in the Tangun myth. Template:Ref Although only a myth, it psychologically prepared the Korean people for the Christian doctrine of the Incarnation. The ability of the Church to graft Christian theology onto existing beliefs has continued to be a crucial factor in its growth.

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Use of the Korean alphabet

Fourthly, Christian use of the Korean language and the easily-learned hangul (한글) script enabled the faith to spread outside the elite (among whom the literary language was Chinese). More will be said about hangul later, but it should be noted here that the Catholic Church was the first organization to officially recognize its value. Template:Ref As early as the 1780s, portions of the Gospels appeared in hangul; doctrinal books such as the Chugyo Yogi (주교여기) in the 1790s, and a Catholic hymnary around 1800.

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Protestantism and the founding of modern educational institutions

Protestantism was introduced into Korea in 1884 by two Americans: Henry Apenzeller, a Methodist, and Horace Underwood, a Presbyterian. Template:Ref Emphasizing the mass-circulation of the Bible (which had been translated into Korean between 1881 and 1887 by the Reverend John Ross, a Scottish Presbyterian missionary in Manchuria, the Protestant pioneers also established the first modern educational institutes in Korea. Template:Ref The Presbyterian Paejae School (배재고등학교) for boys was founded in 1885, and the Methodist Ehwa girls' school (이화여자고등학교) followed a year later. These, and similar schools established soon afterwards, facilitated the rapid expansion of Protestantism among the common people, and in time enabled the Protestant faith to overtake Catholicism as the leading Christian voice in Korea.

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Idenfication with Korean nationalism

But probably the single most important factor leading to the eventual widespread acceptance of Christianity was the identification forged by many Christians with the cause of Korean nationalism during the Japanese occupation (1905-1945). In this period, the Korean people suffered greatly; seven million were exiled or deported from their homeland, Template:Ref and a systematic campaign to eradicate all traces of Korean cultural and national identity was attempted. In 1938, even the Korean language was outlawed. Template:Ref

On March the First, 1919, an assembly of thirty-three religious and professional leaders passed a Declaration of Independence. Although organized by leaders of the Chondogyo (천도교)religion, fifteen of the thirty-three signatories happened to be Christians Template:Ref - many of whom were subsequently imprisoned. 1919 also saw the establishment of the predominantly Catholic Ulmindan (울민단) ("Righteous People's Army") Template:Ref - a pro-independence movement, and the establishment of a China-based government-in-exile by Seungman Rhee (이승만), a Methodist. Template:Ref But the real catalyst that linked Christianity with the patriotic cause in the eyes of many Koreans was the refusal by many Christians to participate in the worship of the Japanese Emperor, which was made compulsory in the 1930s. Template:Ref Template:Ref Although this refusal was motivated by theological rather than political convictions, the consequent imprisonment of many Christians strongly identified their faith, in the eyes of many Koreans, with the cause of Korean nationalism and resistance to the Japanese occupation.

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The impact of Christianity on Korean society

Christianity has played an important role in Korea's transformation from a feudal to a modern society. The effects of Christianity cannot always be neatly distinguished from the causes; the situation is analogous to the proverbial chicken and egg - which comes first? Any one effect that Christianity may have on society may cause more people to accept or reject the faith in future. So, while a distinction between causes and effects may be helpful for the purposes of clarification, one should realize that such an analysis may be overly simplistic.

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Education and literacy

The early impact of the introduction of Christianity on education has already been mentioned. The promotion of the phonetic and easily learned Hangul script, through the dissemination of Christian literature and through the network of schools established by Christian missions, resulted in a sharp rise in the literacy rate. Hangul, although invented as far back as 1446 by scholars in the court of King Sejong (세종대왕), Template:Ref, Template:Ref was little used for several centuries because of the perceived cultural superiority of Chinese. The Catholic Church was the first organization to officially recognize the value of Hangul, and Bishop Berneux (martyred in 1866) commanded that all Catholic children be taught to read it. Template:Ref Protestant churches, too, made literacy in Hangul a prerequisite for admission to Holy Communion. Template:Ref Female literacy also rose sharply; women had traditionally been excluded from the educational system. Template:Ref

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Possible economic effects

While the constitution of South Korea guarantees freedom of religion as well as separation of church and state, the government has been favorable to Christianity, regarding the religion as an ideological bulwark against Communism. According to government figures, about 26% of the population were Christians in 1995 [1], while the Religious Yearbook 1995 of a Protestant research group puts the figure at over 40% [2]. Many South Korean Christians view their religious faith as a factor in the country's dramatic economic growth over the past three decades, believing that success and prosperity are indications of God's blessing. Pride is taken in statistical growth, impressive organization and buildings [3]. Surveys have shown [4] South Korean Christians are very active in their religion, quite often exceeding their American counterparts in such areas as frequency of attendance at group worship services.

While difficult to separate out from influences such as a strong alliance with the US and the infusion of foreign capital, at least one study [5],[6] suggests a correlation which may buttress the contention that Christianity has played a major role in the economic success of the nation.

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Social relationships

But perhaps nowhere have Christian values had a more revolutionary effect than in the area of social relationships. Traditional Korean society was hierarchically arranged according to Confucian principles under the semi-divine emperor. Women had no social rights, Template:Ref children were totally subservient to their parents, Template:Ref and individuals had no rights except as defined by the overall social system. This structure was radically challenged by the Christian teaching that all men are created in the "Image of God" (Genesis 1.26-27) and the implicit worth of every individual. Closely lined to this concept was the emphasis on the right to own private property. Template:Ref Christians also regarded the emperor as a mere man as much subject to God as were his own subjects, and were taught to regard the authority of God as being above that of the emperor. Template:Ref The diffusion of Christian values also contributed to the social emancipation of women and children. Template:Ref Template:Ref From its inception in 1784, the Catholic Church permitted the remarriage of widows (not traditionally allowed in East Asian societies), prohibited concubinage and polygamy, and forbade cruelty to or desertion of wives. Catholic parents were taught to regard their children as gifts from God, and were required to educate them. Template:Ref Arranged child marriages, and the neglect of daughters (who, in Asian society were often regarded as less "desirable" than sons) were prohibited. Nonetheless, it must be recalled that in "Christian" societies of previous centuries, for instance in medieval Europe, such rights of individuals, women, children, and the like, were also much more limited than those of the West of recent centuries. Thus it is not completely inappropriate to compare the Korea of that former time to the West before the Renaissance.

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Minjung theology and the human rights struggle

Template:Main The Christian concept of individual worth has also found expression in a long struggle for human rights and democracy. In recent years, this has taken the form of Minjung theology. Based on the "Image of God" concept, but also incorporating the traditional Korean doctrine of han (한) (a word with no accurate English translation, but denoting a sense of inconsolable pain and utter helplessness), Minjung Theology depicts the Korean people themselves as the rightful masters of their own destiny. Emphasizing nationalism as well as human rights, Minjung Theology appeals increasingly to both right and left in Korean society. Two of the country's best known political leaders, Kim Young-sam (김영삼) and Kim Dae-jung (김대중) subscribe to Minjung Theology. Template:Ref Both men spent decades opposing military-led governments in South Korea, and were frequently imprisoned. Kim Young-sam, a Presbyterian, and Kim Dae-jung, a Roman Catholic, each later served terms as President of the Republic after democracy was restored in 1988.

One manifestation of Minjung Theology in the final years of the Park Chung-hee (박정회) regime (1961-1979) was the rise of several Christian missions, such as the Catholic Farmers Movement and the (Protestant) Urban Industrial Mission, which campaigned for better wages and working conditions for agricultural and industrial workers. Seeing such movements as a threat to social stability, the government arrested and imprisoned many of their leaders. This struggle coincided with a period of popular unrest which culminated in the assassination of President Park on October 26, 1979. Template:Ref

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Summary

Christianity finally became established on Korean soil only after nearly two hundred years of constant setbacks. Beginning as a lay-movement among Silhak scholars who saw Christianity as an ideological catalyst for their egalitarian values, the faith managed to assimilate, and be assimilated by, Korean culture, through its ability to make effective use of existing traditions. The distinctly Korean nature of the Church was reinforced during forty years of Japanese occupation by virtue of the imprisonment of many Korean Christians who refused to participate in Japanese emperor-worship. This stand enabled Christian leaders to depict their faith as being no longer a "foreign" religion.

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Looking ahead

South Korea's transition from forty years of authoritarianism (interrupted only once, in the short-lived Second Republic (1960-61) Template:Ref to a more liberal, democratic regime in 1988, left Korea's churches facing a new challenge. Their strong stand for human rights and democracy had been a significant part of their appeal to the Korean population, and had helped facilitate the exponential growth of many churches in the 1970s and early 1980s. The coming of democracy, which made Christians a part of the establishment as never before, left many Christians feeling that the Church had become a victim of its own success, as freedom and prosperity led to widespread complacency and a loss of the churches' "cutting edge." Church growth tapered off, for the first time in decades.

In the early years of the twenty-first century, however, many Christians have found a renewed determination to evangelize the nation, with the bold goal of establishing the Korean Peninsula as a bastion of Christianity on the Asian mainland, and this vision necessarily encompasses North Korea. Furthermore, with a possible economic and political collapse of the North Korean regime looming, the South Korean churches are developing contingency plans to mobilize both spiritual and humanitarian resources to aid the North.

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See also

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Sources

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Numbered references

  1. Template:Note Patrick Johnstone and Jason Mandryk, Operation World, Carlisle, Cumbria, and Waynesboro, GA., 2001, pp. 387-390.
  2. Template:Note CHOI Suk-woo, 'Korean Catholicism Yesterday and Today', Korean Journal XXIV, 8, August 1984, p. 4.
  3. Template:Note KIM Han-sik, 'The Influence of Christianity', Korean Journal XXIII, 12, December 1983, p. 5.
  4. Template:Note Ibid., pp. 6-7.
  5. Template:Note Ibid., p. 6.
  6. Template:Note KIM Ok-hy, 'Women in the History of Catholicism in Korea', Korean Journal XXIV, 8, August 1984, p. 30.
  7. Template:Note CHOI Suk-Woo, pp. 5-6.
  8. Template:Note National Unification Board, The Identity of the Korean People, Seoul, 1983, pp. 132-136.
  9. Template:Note Seoul International Publishing House, Focus on Korea, Korean History, Seoul, 1983, pp. 7-8.
  10. Template:Note Seoul International Publishing House, Focus on Korea, Korean History, Seoul, 1983, pp. 7-8.
  11. Template:Note The Identity of the Korean People, pp. 132-136.
  12. Template:Note Ilyon, tr. HA Tae-hung and Grafton K. Minz, Samguk Yusa, Seoul 1972, pp. 32-33.
  13. Template:Note Marguerite Johnson, 'The Culture', in Pico Iyer (ed.) 'An Ancient Nation on the Eve of a Modern Spectacle: SOUTH KOREA', Time CXXXII, 10, 5 September 1988, p. 48.
  14. Template:Note Ibid., p. 48.
  15. Template:Note Focus on Korea, pp. 7-8.
  16. Template:Note CHO Kwang, 'The Meaning of Catholicism in Korean History', Korean Journal XXIV, 8, August 1984, pp. 20-21.
  17. Template:Note Colin Whittaker, Korea Miracle, Eastbourne, 1988, p. 133.
  18. Template:Note Andrew C. Nah, A Panorama of 5000 Years: Korean History, Seoul, 1983, p. 81.
  19. Template:Note Whittaker, p. 62.
  20. Template:Note Ibid., p. 65.
  21. Template:Note Ibid., p. 63.
  22. Template:Note CHOI Suk-woo, p. 10.
  23. Template:Note Encyclopedia Americana, Vol. 23, Danbury, Conn., 1988, p. 464.
  24. Template:Note CHO Kwang, p. 11.
  25. Template:Note Whittaker, p. 65.
  26. Template:Note Merit Students Encyclopedia, Vol. 10, New York and London, 1980, p. 440.
  27. Template:Note Whittaker, p. 34.
  28. Template:Note CHO Kwang, pp. 20-21.
  29. Template:Note Whittaker, p. 40.
  30. Template:Note KIM Ok-hy, p. 34.
  31. Template:Note CHO Kwang, pp. 16-18.
  32. Template:Note Ibid., pp. 18-19.
  33. Template:Note KIM Han-sik, pp. 11-12.
  34. Template:Note CHOI Suk-woo, p. 7.
  35. Template:Note CHO Kwang, pp. 16-18.
  36. Template:Note Ibid., pp. 18-19.
  37. Template:Note Ibid., pp. 16-19.
  38. Template:Note Michael Lee, 'Korean Churches Pursue Social and Political Justice', in Brian Heavy (Ed.), Accent III, 3 Auckland, May 1988, pp. 19-20.
  39. Template:Note Kessing's Contemporary Archives, London, 25 April 1980, p. 30216.
  40. Template:Note J. Earnest Fisher, Pioneers of Modern Korea, Seoul, 1977, pp. 65-74.
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Bibliography

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External links

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