Park Chung Hee
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{{Infobox_President |name=Park Chung Hee |image=PCH.jpg |term_start=1963 (chairman of the SCNR and de facto president 1961-63) |term_end=1979 |predecessor=Yun Poson |successor=Choe Gyuha |birth_date=September 30, 1917 |birth_place=Gumi, North Gyeongsang |death_date=October 26, 1979 |death_place=Seoul |spouse=Yuk Yeongsu |party=Democratic Republican Party }} Template:Koreanname Park Chung Hee (1917-1979) was the leader of South Korea from 1961 to 1979. He has been credited with the modernization of South Korea through export-led growth, but also criticized for human rights abuses during his extended presidency. He was named one of the top 100 Asians of the Century by Time Magazine (1999).
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Early life
Park was born on September 30, 1917 in Seonsan, a small town in Gumi City, North Gyeongsang province near Daegu. Park Chung Hee (Bak Jeong-hui) was the seventh child from a family of modest means. His father was Bak Seong-bin (age 46 at the time) and his mother was Baek Nam-hui (age 45). His eldest brother was Bak Dong-hui (age 22); second brother was Bak Mu-hui (age 19); eldest sister was Bak Gwi-hui (age 15); third brother was Bak Sang-hui (age 11); fourth brother was Bak Han-saeng (age 7); and his youngest sister was Bak Jae-hui (age 5). His two eldest brothers and elder sister were already married when he was born.
Park came from an undistinguished local branch of Goryeong Bak descent group. It is not clear when Park's ancestors left the ancestral seat (bon'gwan), Goryeong, in Gyeongsang province, and throughout much of the Joseon period (1392-1910), they lived further north in the province in Seongju. No family members appear in late Joseon town gazetteers listing local notables, and Park's surviving children attest that their father never spoke of an aristocratic ancestry. The Goryeong Bak genealogy records no examination passer or an officeholder since the sixteenth century among Park's direct ancestors, but his father, Seong-bin, appears to have passed the military examination in the waning years of Joseon, probably in the 1890s. Available records on his career are confusing, if not even contradictory. As a whole, Park's own account and reliable testimonies by those who knew the family, suggest that after earning the degree, Seong-bin spent much time and the family's fortune in trying to obtain a government post, and the effort seems to have paid off in that a junior ninth military rank, Hyoryeok Buwi, is mentioned by Park himself. However, other people's claim that Seong-bin became the magistrate of Yeongwol (or Yeongbyeon) cannot be substantiated, although it is certain that he eventually returned home as a frustrated man. A heavy drinker, he spent the remaining years of his life enjoying the company of friends and leaving household affairs to his wife. Seong-bin's life and career certainly require a more thorough research by professional historians, his stymied aspirations may have shaped at least one of his children's outlook on life, most likely Park.
Like most other Koreans of the time, Park had a Japanese name (Takaki Masao); but unlike many Koreans who were forced to take on Japanese names, Park's adoption of a Japanese name was voluntary. Upon graduation from Japan's Manchurian military academy, Park adopted the Japanese name Okamoto Minoru, which his Japanese superiors used during his service in Manchuria.
Park won admission to Daegu Teacher's College through a competitive examination. He entered on April 8, 1932 and graduated on March 25, 1937, after five years of study. His formative years coincided with the Japanese invasion of China, starting with the Manchurian incident in 1931 and culminating in all-out war in 1937.
He went on to teach for several years in Mungyeong, where the school has been preserved as a museum.
Military career
Park won admission to a two-year training program in Manchukuo, the Japanese puppet state in Manchuria. He graduated from the Japanese Manchurian military academy at the top of his class in 1944. He then was selected for another two years of training at the Imperial Military Academy in Tokyo. His experience with the Japanese government's program of economic development in Manchukuo strongly affected his thinking when he became president of South Korea.
Park had served as a lieutenant in the Kantogun, part of the Imperial Japanese Army, in Manchuria, fighting Mao Zedong's Chinese Communist forces. Although the Kantogun also carried out actions against Korean guerrillas, it is not clear whether Park actually fought against Korean forces.
In the aftermath of Japan's defeat in World War II, according to his elder brother's recommendation, Park joined an influential communist group, the South Korean Workers' Party, in the American occupation zone, which later became South Korea. Park joined a rebellion in ChollaNamDo (South Cholla province, in the Korean southwest) led by units of the new American-supported army. Park was arrested and sentenced to death, but escaped death by striking a deal in which he offered up the names of his communist comrades to the southern Korean authorities. Then, he was released and left the army with dishonor. However, the outbreak of Korean War enabled him to be reinstated.
During the war, Park Chung Hee was accused of being a communist. General Paek Sunyeop, a Korean War hero, used his rank and status to exonerate the younger Park and to clear his name.
Ascension to presidency
Syngman Rhee, the first president of South Korea, was forced out of office on April 26, 1960 as an aftermath of the April 19 Movement, a student-led uprising. A new government took office on August 13. This was a short-lived period of parliamentary rule in South Korea with a figurehead president, (Yun Poson) in response to the authoritarian excesses and corruption of the Rhee administration. Real power rested with Prime Minister Chang Myon.
Yun and Chang did not possess strong leadership qualities, nor could they command the respect of the majority of the Democratic Party. They could not agree on the composition of the cabinet and Chang attempted to hold the tenuous coalition together by reshuffling cabinet positions three times in five months.
In the meantime, the tasks confronting the new government were daunting. It was caught between an economy that was suffering from a decade of mismanagement and corruption by the Rhee presidency and the students who had led to Rhee's ouster. The students were filling the streets almost daily, making numerous wide-ranging demands for political and economic reforms. Law and order could not be maintained because the police, long an instrument of the Rhee government, were demoralized and totally discredited by the public. Continued factional wrangling caused the public to turn away from the party.
Seizing the moment, then-Major General Park Chung Hee led a largely bloodless military coup on May 16, 1961, a coup largely welcomed by a general populace exhausted by political chaos. Although Chang resisted the coup efforts, President Yun sided with the junta and persuaded the United States Eighth Army and the commanders of various South Korean army units not to interfere with the new rulers.
The Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) was created on June 19, 1961 to prevent a countercoup and to suppress all potential enemies. It was to have not only investigative power, but also the power to arrest and detain anyone suspected of wrongdoing or harboring antijunta sentiments. The KCIA extended its power to economic and foreign affairs under its first director, Colonel (retired) Kim Chong-pil, a relative of Park and one of the original planners of the coup.
Yun remained in office to provide legitimacy to the regime, but resigned on March 22, 1962. Park Chung Hee was the real power as chairman of the Supreme Council for National Reconstruction. Following pressure from the Kennedy administration in the United States, a civilian government was restored, with Park winning the 1963 election as the candidate of the Democratic Republican Party over Yun, candidate of the Civil Rule Party.
First three terms as president
Economic reform
Park is generally credited as playing a pivotal role in the development of South Korea's economy by shifting its focus to export-oriented industrialization. When he came to power in 1961, South Korean per capita income was only USD 72, and North Korea was regarded as the greater economic and military power on the peninsula because North Korea was industralized during Japanese regime for geographical proximity to Manchuria and merit in terms of natual resources. During Park's tenure, per capita income increased twentyfold, and South Korea's rural, undeveloped economy had transformed into an industrial powerhouse. Even Kim Daejung, one of Park's most prominent opponents during his rule, has retrospectively praised him for his role in creating the modern-day South Korea. [1]
The strength of Park's leadership was evidenced by the remarkable development of industries and rise in the standard of living of average South Korean citizens during his presidency. Many still question Park's judgement, however, as his 1965 normalization of diplomatic relations with Japan had been extremely unpopular and resulted in widespread unrest as memories from Japan's 35-year brutal colonization of Korea proved vivid. However, by normalizing relations with Japan, Park allowed Japanese capital to flow into the country. These aids and loans -- although criticized by many Koreans to be too meager for the 35 years of occupation by Imperial Japan -- along with American aids helped to restore the depleted capital of South Korea. Nonetheless, it must be noted that with North Korea's economy at the time being bigger and more vibrant than that of South Korea, Park did not have many options or much time to negotiate for more fitting reparations and apologies; this still plagues Japan and South Korea's relationship today.
Even though the electoral system was heavily rigged in favor of Park's Democratic Republican Party, he barely squeezed to reelection in 1967 against Yun
Creation of agencies to oversee economic devlopment
- The Economic Planning Board (EPB)
- The Ministry of Trade and Industry (MTI)
- The Ministry of Finance (MoF)
Yusin Constitution
Originally, presidents were restricted to two consecutive terms. However, with the assistance of notorious KCIA, Park succeeded in amending the Constitution to allow the current president--himself--to run for three consecutive terms. In 1971, Park squeaked to victory again, this time over Kim Dae-jung.
Just after being sworn in for his third term, Park declared a state of emergency "based on the dangerous realities of the international situation." He then dissolved Parliament and suspended the Constitution. In 1972, he introduced the Yusin Constitution, which dramatically increased his power and made him a virtual dictator. Following the Constitution's passage, Park's regime grew markedly more repressive, with the KCIA becoming well-known for detaining and torturing opposition leaders and generating McCarthyismite atmosphere. His dictatorship was justified with his policies on economic development and defense from communism or North Korea. Park was reelected to six-year terms in 1972 and 1978, but voting was indirect and controlled by the incumbent administration. By this constitution, actually, he became lifelong president.
Assassination attempts
On August 15, 1974 a botched assassination attempt by North Korean agent Mun Segwang (문세광, 文世光) claimed his wife, Yuk Yeongsu, instead.
In 1979, Park was gunned down on October 26, 1979 by Kim Jaegyu, the director of the KCIA and a long-time friend. Kim claimed that Park was an obstacle to democracy and that his act was one of patriotism. This appeared to be a passion-play and subsequent accident by the individual, not as a part of conspiracy or coup.
Legacy
Controversies
It is alleged by supporters that despite his dictatorial rule and the high growth that occurred during his years in power, Park did not engage in corruption and led a simple life. Detractors allege he was simply a brutal dictator and only brought about high growth through military control over labour.
A controversial movie was released in South Korea in 2005 called The President's Last Bang, which is highly critical of Park. Among other things, it highlights his dictatorial policies, and stories of drinking and womanizing. Perhaps most controversial, it is alleged he sometimes preferred to speak Japanese instead of Korean and displayed pro-Japanese sentiments. Another film released the previous year, The President's Barber, portrayed him as aloof and largely unconcerned with the human rights violations committed by his regime, at one point directing that a group of doctors be rounded up and accused of working for North Korea. These controvertial movies were criticized by his supporters for defaming him with mixture of reality and fabrication.
Being a complex man as a policy maker, a good portion of Koreans continue to hold Park in high regard in great part due to the industrial and economic growth experienced under his presidency. But there are also many who condemn Park for the brutality of his dictatorship and for his service to the Japanese army during World War II. Today, Park's biggest critics deplore the widespread human rights abuses seen in South Korea during his rule. Arbitrary arrests without warrants and evidence and oftentimes based merely on hearsay and suspicion of communist activity resulted in many civilians undergoing torture and even death.
Park's reputation has been the subject of further debate in South Korea as a list with approximately 3,000 names of Koreans who collaborated with Japan was published earlier in 2005. The list includes Park's name.
See also
External link
- BBC News' "On this day": a recollection of Park's assassination.
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