Iraq War

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{{Infobox Military Conflict |conflict= Iraq War |partof= |image= |caption= |date= March 19, 2003–present |place= Iraq |territory= |result= Conflict ongoing

  • Overthrow of Saddam Hussein's government.
  • Civilian deaths of at least 100,000-300,000 and multiple times more of injured civilians
  • Destruction of infrastructure (homes of entire cities, electricity, water, schools, medical care)
  • Large instability, massive amount of random civilian deaths caused by Iraqi insurgency and the occupying forces, general worsening of security conditions
  • Unprecedented terrorism.
  • Election of a representative government. Full participation of minority Kurds and majority Shi'ites in governmental power while Sunnites lost significant power.

|combatant1= Republic of Iraq (Saddam Hussein regime),
Ba'ath Loyalists,
Iraqi insurgency |combatant2= United States,
United Kingdom,
"Coalition of the Willing",
Iraqi Transitional Government Forces |commander1= |commander2= |strength1= |strength2= |casualties1= |casualties2= |notes= }} Template:Campaignbox Persian Gulf Wars

For other uses, see Iraq war (disambiguation)

The Iraq WarTemplate:Fn (2003-present) is an ongoing conflict in Iraq, which began with the 2003 invasion of Iraq, and continues to the present in the form of an insurgent rebellion, which is partly believed to be assisted by Muslim militant groups like al-Qaeda[1][2]. The reasons for the insurgency are complex, and include resentment of the occupation itself, frustration by the (at least for many) worsened living conditions, and distrust of the elected government (often due to sectarian concerns).

The 2003 invasion was undertaken by a multinational "Coalition of the willing"[3] led by the United States and the United Kingdom, which invaded Iraq and deposed Saddam Hussein's government on the basis that Hussein was in possession of weapons of mass destruction and had ties to al Qaeda. [4] Although both of these claims are now almost universally agreed to have been false[5][6], there is disagreement over the extent to which this was a matter of deceit or of intelligence failure. [7][8] Leaders of the Coalition have increasingly pointed to the abuse of Human rights in Saddam's Iraq and a desire to spread democracy as justifications for the war, though these reasons were not given as major casus belli's in advance. [9]

The second phase of the conflict began after the government had been overthrown, and centers around U.S. efforts to establish what it describes as a democratic state capable of defending itself, versus a popular Iraqi demand that the U.S. leave the country. A growing armed resistance, usually called the "Iraqi insurgency", formed in Iraq after the invasion concluded. Several minor coalition members have pulled out of Iraq. [10]

Since early 2006 Iraq has seen an increase in sectarian violence to the point that former interim prime minister Iyad Allawi has called it a civil war.[11] The U.S. government denies that Iraq is undergoing civil war. [12][13] George W. Bush claims that the sectarian violence in Iraq is a result of Saddam Hussein's prior leadership and incitement by the Iraqi insurgency. [14][15][16]

According to opinion polls, the war was unpopular from the outset in nearly all Coalition countries, widely viewed as counterproductive, improper, or even illegal; only since summer 2005 has this been the majority case in the United States. [17][18]



Contents

Terminology

The term 'Iraq War' or 'Iraq war' may refer to hostilities in Iraq that fit one of two general contexts:

1. The multinational forces"Template:Fn invasion of March 2003, and the three-week period of full-scale military hostilities between the multinational forces against the established, uniformed military forces (that is, Saddam Hussein's "old" Iraqi Army). According to this view, the "War" ended with the "cessation of major hostilities" between established military forces.

2. Alternatively, if the term includes the subsequent military occupation of Iraq, the "War" ended with the ceremonial handover of sovereignty to the new Iraqi government in June 2004. Though Coalition military officials have used the capitalized phrase Iraq War in this relatively narrow sense, they, and supporters of the invasion and current military presence also consistently use the terms Iraq war and war in Iraq.

The current trend by military officials is to use the term "Operation Iraqi Freedom", in reference to both the invasion, and post-invasion occupation. A derivative of this viewpoint sees much of the current violence almost exclusively as expressions of the Iraqi sectarian divisions, and characterize the occupation as democratic, and preventative of a larger civil war. Another term that is gaining popular usage in the U.S. is "Second Persian Gulf War" or "Gulf War II".

War explanations

Related topic: Rationales of the 2003 Invasion of Iraq

For the war

Reasons for the invasion and occupation as stated by the United States in 2002 before the Iraq invasion are controversial, having varied over time. The first calls for war on Iraq came from the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), and the American Enterprise Institute, with arguments based largely on the disruption of the alleged threat that Saddam posed to American interests in the region, and the project of American influence into the next century. These reasons were not those originally given (before the 2003 Iraq invasion) by the Bush administration of the United States before or after the initiation of the war, which instead focused on Iraq's alleged arsenal of Weapons of Mass Destruction and the threat they posed to the U.S. in the post-9/11 world. [19] At the time of the invasion UNMOVIC inspections were under way but were ordered out by the United States and Britain despite the inspectors' requests for more time. [20][21]

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Against the war

Despite these efforts to sway public opinion the majority of the world populace did not support the war and the U.S. failed to secure UN support for an invasion of Iraq. In most countries less than 10% of the populace supported an invasion of Iraq without UN sanction [22]. Even in the U.S. only approximately 33% of the population said they were in favor of a unilateral invasion [23]. The United States formed a "Coalition of the Willing" and proceeded with the invasion despite massive public protest.

No weapons of mass destruction were found in Iraq following the invasion. President George W. Bush has since admitted that "much of the intelligence turned out to be wrong".[24][25][26]

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Publicly stated objectives

According to U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, the military objectives of the Iraq war were:

  1. to overthrow the government of Saddam Hussein
  2. to eliminate Iraq's weapons of mass destruction
  3. to drive out terrorists from Iraq
  4. to collect intelligence on terrorist networks
  5. to collect intelligence on the global network of illicit weapons of mass destruction
  6. to end sanctions and to immediately deliver humanitarian support to the Iraqi citizens
  7. to secure Iraq's petroleum resources
  8. to help the Iraqi people create conditions for a transition to a representative self-government

Suggested real objectives

Other possible U.S. objectives, denied by the U.S. government but acknowledged by some U.S. policy makers, included the establishment of permanent U.S. military bases in Iraq as a way of projecting power (creating a credible threat of U.S. military intervention) to the oil-rich Gulf region and the Middle East generally. U.S. General Jay Garner, who was in charge of planning and administering post-war reconstruction in Iraq, explained that the U.S. occupation of Iraq was comparable to the Philippine model: "Look back on the Philippines around the turn of the 20th century: they were a coaling station for the navy, and that allowed us to keep a great presence in the Pacific. That's what Iraq is for the next few decades: our coaling station that gives us great presence in the Middle East" (Interview on National Journal 2004, archived at: [27], and at [28]; See also Philippine-American War). The House "report accompanying the emergency spending legislation...said the money was 'of a magnitude normally associated with permanent bases'" (BBC News, March 30, 2006).

Combat and occupation summary

Prior to 2003 invasion

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Prior to invasion, the United States and other coalition forces involved in the 1991 Persian Gulf War had been engaged in a low-level conflict with Iraq, by enforcing the two controversial Iraqi no-fly zones in the north and the south of the country. Iraqi air-defense installations were engaged on a fairly regular basis after repeatedly targeting American and British air patrols. In mid-2002, the U.S. began to change its response strategy, by increasing the overall number of missions and selecting targets throughout the no-fly zones in order to disrupt the military command structure in Iraq. A change in enforcement tactics was acknowledged at the time, but it was not made public that this was part of a plan known as Operation Southern Watch.

The weight of bombs dropped increased from none in March 2002 and 0.3 in April 2002 to between 8 and 14 tons per month in May-August, reaching a pre-war peak of 54.6 tons in September - prior to Congress' 11 October authorisation of the invasion. The September attacks included a 5 September 100-aircraft attack on the main air defence site in western Iraq. According to The New Statesman this was "Located at the furthest extreme of the southern no-fly zone, far away from the areas that needed to be patrolled to prevent attacks on the Shias; it was destroyed not because it was a threat to the patrols, but to allow allied special forces operating from Jordan to enter Iraq undetected." Template:Ref

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Invasion and overthrow of the Ba'athist government

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Coalition forces managed to topple the government and capture the key cities of a large nation in 21 days, taking minimal losses. In this brief engagement coalition forces attempted to avoid large civilian deaths through the use of "smart bombs" and other technologies. Utilizing massive precision air strikes along with rapid ground attacks of approximately 200,000 troops from the south, the invasion portion of the war was a success for the coalition. However, this number of troops was only sufficient to defeat the Iraqi military; it was not enough manpower to effectively secure the country after the unforeseen rapid collapse of the Iraqi government and military.

The Iraqi army, armed mainly with Soviet-era equipment and suffering from a decade of economic sanctions, had few weapons that could stand up to invading forces, and managed only to stage a few ambushes and delaying actions that gained a great deal of media attention but did little to slow the coalition forces. Missiles launched from Iraq were either interdicted by U.S. Patriot missile batteries, or missed their targets. Attacks on the coalition's long supply routes by Fedayeen militiamen were repulsed, although these supply routes would provide an early target for the Iraqi insurgency. The Iraqis' artillery proved almost worthless, and Iraq did not mobilize its air force to attempt a defense since its air force had already been decimated by the no-fly zone policy of the 1990s. The Iraqi T-72 tanks, the heaviest armored vehicles in the Iraqi Army, were both outdated and ill-maintained and were destroyed quickly after inflicting little damage on coalition forces. The U.S. Air Force, U.S. Army, U.S. Marine Corps and Naval Aviation, and British Royal Air Force operated with impunity throughout the country, pinpointing heavily defended enemy targets and destroying them before ground troops arrived.

The main battle tanks (MBT) of the Coalition forces, the U.S. M1 Abrams and British Challenger 2, proved their worth in the rapid advance across the country. Even with the large number of rocket propelled grenade (RPG) attacks by irregular Iraqi forces, few Coalition tanks were lost and no tank crewmen were killed by hostile fire. However, a Challenger 2 of the Queen's Royal Lancers was hit by another Challenger 2 and two crewmen were killed.

The Iraqi Army suffered from poor morale, even amongst the supposedly elite Republican Guard, their strength sapped after weeks of aerial bombardment. Entire units simply melted away into the crowds upon the approach of Coalition troops. Other Iraqi Army officers were bribed by the CIA or coerced into surrendering to coalition forces. Worse, the Iraqi Army had incompetent leadership - reports state that Qusay Hussein, charged with the defense of Baghdad, dramatically shifted the positions of the two main divisions protecting Baghdad several times in the days before the arrival of U.S. forces, and as a result the units within were both confused and further demoralized when the U.S. Army attacked. By no means did the Coalition invasion force see the entire Iraqi military thrown against it, and it is assumed that most units disintegrated to either join the growing Iraqi insurgency or return to their homes.

The documented number of Iraqi civilians killed by the Coalition military forces since 2003 according to various estimates ranges from 27,295 up to 30,789 (as of December 2005).

On 1 May 2003 George W. Bush landed on the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, in a Lockheed S-3 Viking, where he gave a speech announcing the end of major combat operations in the Iraq war. Bush's landing was criticized by opponents as an overly theatrical and expensive stunt. Clearly visible in the background was a banner stating "Mission Accomplished." It was criticized by some as premature - especially later as the guerrilla war dragged on. However, one crewmember later stated the banner referred specifically to the aircraft carrier's mission and not the war itself. This version has since been disputed. The event was carefully choreographed by administration staffers, including positioning cameras to capture the president with the banner over his shoulder. According to John Dickerson of TIME magazine, the White House later admitted they actually hung the banner. In the weeks that followed Bush's dramatic aircraft carrier landing, all types of crime significantly increased in Iraq due to the lack of law enforcement and security after the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime.

Rise of the insurgency

Image:Sunni triangle.jpg In May of 2003, after the Iraqi conventional forces had been defeated, the coalition military noticed a gradually increasing flurry of attacks on the multinational troops in various regions, such as the "Sunni Triangle." In the chaos after the war, massive looting of the infrastructure and, most catastrophically, munitions occurred. According to the Pentagon, 250,000 tons (of 650,000 tons total) of ordnance were looted, providing an endless source of ammunition for the insurgents. These looted supplies for the insurgents were further strengthened by the hundreds of weapons caches already created by the conventional Iraqi army and Republican Guard.

During the early occupation, a number of widely-cited humanitarian, tactical, and political errors by United States and United Kingdom planners and forces led to a growing armed resistance, usually called the Iraqi insurgency. These anti-occupation forces are believed to be predominantly, but not exclusively, Iraqi Sunni Muslim Arabs, plus some foreign Arab and Muslim fighters, some of the latter tied to al-Qaeda. There is further evidence that some of the resistance was organized, perhaps by the fedayeen and other Saddam Hussein or Ba'ath loyalists, religious radicals, and Iraqis angered by the occupation. [29] The insurgents are generally known to the Coalition forces as Anti-Iraqi Forces or AIF.

The initial insurgency in Iraq was concentrated in, but not limited to, an area referred to by Western media and the occupying forces as the Sunni triangle. This location includes Baghdad [30]. The three provinces that had the highest number of attacks were Baghdad, Anbar, and Salah Ad Din--these provinces account for 32% of the population. This resistance has been described as a type of guerrilla warfare. Insurgent tactics include mortars, suicide bombers, improvised explosive devices, roadside bombs, small arms fire, and RPGs, as well as sabotage against the oil, water, and electrical infrastructure.

Post-invasion Iraq, early- and mid-2003

Image:Karradah bombing aftermath 11-18-2005.jpg Template:Main

The post-invasion environment began after the Hussein regime had been overthrown. It centers on Coalition and U.N. efforts to establish a democratic state capable of defending itself Template:Ref, versus various insurgent demands that the foreign forces leave the country.

Coalition military forces launched several operations around Tigris River peninsula and in the Sunni Triangle. A series of similar operations were launched throughout the summer in the Sunni Triangle. Toward the end of 2003, the intensity and pace of insurgent attacks began to increase. A sharp surge in guerrilla attacks ushered in an insurgent effort that was termed the “Ramadan Offensive,” as it coincided with the beginning of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. Coaliton forces brought to bear the use of air power for the first time since the end of the war.

Suspected ambush sites and mortar launching positions struck from the air and with artillery fire. Surveillance of major routes, patrols, and raids on suspected insurgents were stepped up. In addition, two villages, including Saddam’s birthplace of al-Auja and the small town of Abu Hishma were wrapped in barbed wire and carefully monitored. On 22 July 2003, during a raid by the U.S. 101st Airborne Division and men from Task Force 20, Saddam Hussein's sons (Uday and Qusay) and one of his grandsons were killed.

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In the wave of intelligence information fueling the raids on remaining Ba’ath Party members connected to insurgency, Saddam Hussein himself was captured on December 13 2003 on a farm near Tikrit. The operation was conducted by the U.S. Army's 4th Infantry Division and members of Task Force 121.

Post-invasion Iraq, late-2003

With the capture of Saddam and a drop in the number of insurgent attacks (an average of 18 a day), some concluded the multinational forces were prevailing in the fight against the insurgency. With the weather growing cooler, United States forces were able to operate in full armor which reduced their casualty rate. The provisional government began training a security force intended to defend critical infrastructure, and the United States promised over $20 billion in reconstruction money in the form of credit against Iraq's future oil revenues. Of this, less than half a billion dollars had been spent in 10 months after it had been promised. Oil revenues were also claimed to be used for rebuilding schools and for work on the electrical and refining infrastructure.

However, the failure to restore basic services to above pre-war levels, where over a decade of sanctions, bombing, corruption, and decaying infrastructure had left major cities functioning at much-reduced levels, also contributed to local anger at the IPA government headed by an executive council. On 2 July 2003, President Bush declared that American troops would remain in Iraq in spite of the attacks, challenging the opponents with "My answer is, bring 'em on," a line the President later expressed misgivings about having used. Template:Ref In the summer of 2003, the multinational forces focused on hunting down the remaining leaders of the former regime, culminating in the shooting deaths of Saddam's two sons in July. In all, over 200 top leaders of the former regime were killed or captured, as well as numerous lesser functionaries and military personnel.

Shortly after the capture of Saddam, elements left out of the CPA began to agitate for elections and the formation of a Iraqi Interim Government. Most prominent among these was the Shia cleric Ali al-Sistani. More insurgents stepped up their activities. The two most turbulent centers were the area around Fallujah and the poor Shia sections of cities from Baghdad to Basra in the south. Template:Col-begin Template:Col-break

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Military occupation, early-2004

Early 2004 was marked by a relative lull in violence. Insurgent forces reorganized during this time, studying the multinational forces' tactics and planning a renewed offensive. Guerrilla attacks were less intense.

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Increased insurgent activity and the Mahdi Army

Insurgent activity increased during the beginning of 2004 as hundreds of Iraqi civilians and police were killed over this period in a series of massive bombings. One possiblity for these increased bombings hypothesized that the relevance of Saddam Hussein and his followers was diminishing in direct proportion to the influence of radical Islamists, both foreign and Iraqi. An organized Sunni insurgency, with deep roots and both nationalist and Islamist motivations, was becoming more powerful throughout Iraq. The Mahdi Army also began launching attacks on coalition targets and to seize control from Iraqi security forces. The southern and central portions of Iraq were beginning to erupt in urban guerrilla combat as multinational forces attempted to keep control and prepared for a counteroffensive.

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Fallujah

Image:Faludza-hem-napad.jpg The coalition and the Coalition Provisional Authority decided to face the growing insurgency with a pair of assaults: one on Fallujah, the center of the "Mohammed's Army of Al-Ansar", and another on Najaf, home of an important mosque, which had become the focal point for the Mahdi Army and its activities. Just before the attack on Fallujah, four private military contractors, working for Blackwater USA, were ambushed and their corpses mutilated by a large crowd, receiving a great deal of media attention.

After this incident, the 1st Marine Regiment began plans to re-establish a coalition presence in Fallujah. On April 4, the multinational forces began assaults to clear Fallujah of insurgents. On April 9, the multinational force allowed more than 70,000 women, children and elderly residents to leave the besieged city, reportedly also allowing males of military age to leave. On April 10, the military declared a unilateral truce to allow for humanitarian supplies to enter Fallujah. Troops pulled back to the outskirts of the city; local leaders reciprocated the ceasefire, although lower-level intense fighting on both sides continued.

The usage by the U.S. of white phosphorus as an incendiary weapon against insurgents in Fallujah attracted controversy. [31]

The city of Fallujah remained under insurgent control despite the Marine's attempt to recapture it in Operation Vigilant Resolve. In the April battle for Fallujah, Coalition troops killed about 600 insurgents and a number of civilians, while 40 Americans died and hundreds were wounded in a fierce battle. The coalition forces were unable to dislodge the insurgents, and instead suffered repeated attacks on its own rear and flank. The Marines were ordered to stand-down and cordon off the city, maintaining a perimeter around Fallujah. A compromise was reached in order to ensure security within Fallujah itself by creating the local "Fallujah Brigade". While the Marine regiment attacking had clear superiority in ground firepower and air support, it decided to accept a truce and a deal which put a former Baathist general in complete charge of the town. This compromise soon fell apart and insurgent control returned. By the end of the spring uprising, the cities of Fallujah, Samarra, Baquba, and Ramadi had been left under guerrilla control with coalition patrols in the cities at a minimum.

The Shi'ite south

Meanwhile, the fighting continued in the Shiite south. The marines were then shifted south, because Italian and Polish forces were having increasing difficulties retaining control over Nasiriya and Najaf. The marines relieved the Poles and Italians, and put down the overt rebellion, but were unable to reestablish control over the centers of the towns. British forces in Basra were faced with increasing insurgency and became more selective in the areas they patrolled. In all, April, May and early June saw more fighting. Over the next three months, the multinanational forces took back the southern cities. Due to various setbacks, the Coalition gradually began admitting that it was facing independent organized rebel forces. Also, various insurgent leaders entered into negotiations with the provisional government to lay down arms and enter the political process.

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The new Iraqi government

Main article: Iraqi coalition counter-insurgency operations

Toward the end of June (2004), the Coalition Provisional Authority transferred the "sovereignty" of Iraq to a caretaker government, whose first act was to begin the trial of Saddam Hussein. However, fighting continued in the form of an insurgent rebellion against the new sovereignty, with some parts composed of non-Iraqi Muslim militant groups like al Qaeda. The new government began the process of moving towards open elections, though the insurgency and the lack of cohesion within the government itself, has lead to delays. Militia leader Muqtada al-Sadr took control of Najaf and, after negotiations broke down, the government asked the United States for help dislodging him. Through the months of July and August, a series of skirmishes in and around Najaf culminated with the Imman Ali Mosque itself under siege, only to have a peace deal brokered by al-Sistani in late August.

The Iraqi insurgency

Image:Destroyed humvee.jpg Template:Main

When the ruling Ba'ath party organization disintegrated after the fall of the Iraqi government, elements of the secret police and Republican Guard formed guerrilla units, since some had simply gone home rather than openly fight the multinational forces. Many of these smaller units formed the center of the initial anti-coalition insurgency, based primarily around the cities of Mosul, Tikrit and Fallujah. The militants and guerrilla units favored attacking unarmored vehicles and avoiding major battles. The early Iraqi insurgency was concentrated in, but not limited to, an area referred to by the Western media and the occupying forces as the Sunni triangle which includes Baghdad Template:Ref.

By the fall of 2003, these anti-occupation groups began using typical guerrilla tactics; such as ambushes, bombings, kidnappings, and improvised explosive devices. Other tactics included mortars, suicide bombers, roadside bombs, small arms fire, and RPGs, as well as sabotage against the oil, water, and electrical infrastructure. The insurgents primarily targeted coalition forces, checkpoints, and as well as some civilian targets--usually those civilians associated with coalition forces. These irregular forces especially favored attacking unarmored or lightly armored Humvee vehicles which was the U.S. military's primary transport vehicle. In November 2003, some of these forces successfully attacked U.S. rotary aircraft with SAM-7 missiles bought on the global black market.

There is evidence that some guerrilla groups are organized, perhaps by the fedayeen and other Saddam Hussein or Ba'ath loyalists, religious radicals, Iraqis angered by the occupation, and foreign fighters. [32] The insurgents are known by the Coalition military (especially in the United States armed forces) as Anti-Iraqi Forces (AIF). g1 g2.

see also: History of Iraqi insurgency, Sectarian violence in Iraq

Casualties

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Template:Summary of casualties of the 2003 invasion of Iraq

Human rights abuses

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Certain human rights abuses have led to widespread criticism of the occupying forces.

Some of the most publicized abuses include:

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Financial Costs

As of March 31, 2006, over $251 billion has been allocated by the US Congress for the Iraqi war, as well as the war in Afghanistan.

It is not known how much more money has been spent by other members of the coalition, especially the UK--however, the US's share of the cost is by far the largest.

Ever since the beginning of the war, President Bush has not included the cost of the Iraq war and occupation in the regular defense spending request. Instead he has submitted emergency spending bills to Congress to cover those estimated costs of the war and occupation.

Iraqi

The costs to Iraqi people include:

  • large civilian casualties
  • destruction of the infrastructure
  • loss of sovereignty to Iraqi natural resources
  • long-term economic effects of instabile or disfunctional society

Recent Events

Notes

  • Template:Fnb The conflict is also commonly referred to as Gulf War II or the Second Gulf War to distinguish it from the Persian Gulf War of 1991.

References

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February 20, 2003.


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See also

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Years in Iraq
General
Multinational forces

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Casualties
Other related articles and concepts
Iraq War literature

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External articles

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Road to War
Iraqi Sources
Opinions and polls
  • Extraordinary renditions: the playwright and the president; Jeff Sommers, Khaled Diab and Charles Woolfson explore the dynamics between playwright and president as America's 'war on terror' stands in the dock. January 2006, published in Al Ahram Weekly
  • Caspar Henderson, "Three polls: attitudes across frontiers". 12 December 2002.
  • Karl Zinsmeister, "What Iraqis Really Think". Wall Street Journal, September 10, 2003.
  • "1st Major Survey of Iraq". Zogby International, September 10, 2003.
  • Carl Conetta, "What do Iraqis want? Iraqi attitudes on occupation, U.S. withdrawal, governments, and quality of life". Project on Defense Alternatives, 01 February 2005.
  • "Iraq". Polling Report.com. (ed. Chronological polls of Americans 18 & older)
Casualties
  • Carl Conetta, "The Wages of War; Iraqi Combatant and Noncombatant Fatalities in the 2003 Conflict". Project on Defense Alternatives Research Monograph #8, 20 October 2003.
  • Hamit Dardagan, et. al., "Iraq Body Count". (ed. reportedly comprehensive tally of deaths resulting from the war and occupation based on media reports compiled by various antiwar activists.)
Combat operations related

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Anti-war activists and war critics

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War supporters and operation proponents
Economics

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